NOPD’s Drone Policy Is Worthless.

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404 Media just published an important story: New Orleans Cops Published Policy Document Allowing Weaponized Drones. Go read it. Matthew Gault and 404 Media do exactly the kind of journalism this city needs and rarely gets — actually reading the documents, catching the discrepancies, and asking the police department to explain itself. Thank you, 404. Subscribe to them!

Here’s the short version. In June, NOPD’s website hosted a version of its drone operations manual — Chapter 43.5, dated June 21, 2026 — that allowed drones to be armed with the Superintendent’s written approval. This is the same period when NOPD was telling the City Council, on the record, that its drones were not and would not be armed. Councilman Freddie King asked directly in April. NOPD said no. On June 24, the Council voted 4–3 to fund the French Quarter “drone as first responder” expansion. Days later, after the activist group Eye on Surveillance caught the weaponization language and started calling council members, that version of the manual vanished. The July 1 version says drones “shall not be equipped with weapons or hazardous materials of any kind.” NOPD’s explanation: the armed-drone version was just a draft.

Let’s be clear about what’s insane here. The New Orleans Police Department — a department under a federal consent decree for most of two decades, a department that ran a secret facial recognition partnership with a private camera network until the Washington Post exposed it — sat down, drafted policy language authorizing weapons on flying robots over an American city, and put it on its public website while telling the Council the opposite. Federal law prohibits weaponized drones. The EFF’s Matthew Guariglia can’t see how it would even be legal. It doesn’t matter. Somebody at NOPD wrote the approval process anyway. That’s not a typo. Drafts are where institutions say what they actually want.

And the industry is ready to sell it to them. Skydio — NOPD’s drone vendor — promised in 2020 that it would never put weapons on its drones. Its CEO walked that back last month. The vendor’s line has moved. The department’s draft moved with it. The only thing that moved it back was getting caught.

The policy is not a safeguard. I have the receipts.

The comforting response to all this is: “But the current policy bans weapons.” I need you to understand why that should comfort no one.

Two weeks ago I published NOPD’s own drone flight logs, obtained by public records request: NOPD Flew 273 Drone Flights in Three Months. It Can’t Say Why for 206 of Them.

The same Chapter 43.5 everyone is now citing as the weapons ban also requires that every deployment be documented with the reason for the flight. That’s not optional paperwork — it’s the load-bearing requirement that makes every other rule in the policy auditable. And NOPD’s own Skydio export shows that from January through April 2026, 206 of 273 flights — 75% — have no reason logged at all. Eight more say only “event overwatch.” One says, in its entirety, “PROTEST” — for a flight category with mandatory First Amendment safeguards that a one-word entry makes impossible to verify.

NOPD does not follow its drone policy. That is not my opinion. That is what NOPD’s own records show, three-quarters of the time, across three months, across many pilots and the supervisors required to approve every mission.

And nobody enforces it. I tested that too.

Documented policy violations should have consequences, so I filed a formal complaint with NOPD’s Public Integrity Bureau — the body that exists to enforce NOPD policy. It’s tracked as 2026-0046-O; the complaint and PIB’s response are public.

PIB closed it after a “preliminary inquiry,” asserting that every flight was authorized and approved for a proper purpose — without producing a purpose for a single one of the 206 blank entries. None of the form letter’s standard dismissal reasons applied, so they checked the last box: “Other as approved by the Captain of the Public Integrity Bureau.” Because the Captain said so. The oversight body was handed quantified proof that the policy isn’t followed, and it decided not following the policy was fine.

So here is the actual state of play in New Orleans:

  1. NOPD does not follow its drone policy. 75% of flights, no documented reason, per its own logs.
  2. NOPD faces no accountability for not following it. I filed the complaint. PIB did nothing.
  3. NOPD drafted policy authorizing weaponized drones while assuring the Council its drones would never be armed, and only reversed after activists caught it.

Now connect those dots. When NOPD says “we are not and will not be equipping drones with weapons,” that assurance rests entirely on NOPD’s policy and NOPD’s word. The policy is demonstrably not followed. The word demonstrably changed between the June 21 draft and the July 1 press cycle. A weapons ban enforced by the Public Integrity Bureau is a weapons ban enforced by a checkbox.

The 404 Media story and my flight logs are the same story. A department that won’t write down why its cameras fly is not a department you trust to tell you what’s bolted underneath them.

What you can do

The correction won’t come from inside NOPD — PIB told us that in writing. It has to come from the people NOPD answers to.

If you live in New Orleans, contact Mayor Helena Moreno’s office and your council member (council.nola.gov) and ask:

  1. Who drafted and approved the June 21 manual language authorizing weaponized drones, and why was the Council told the opposite?
  2. Why do 75% of NOPD drone flights from January through April 2026 have no logged reason, as Chapter 43.5 requires?
  3. Why did PIB close complaint 2026-0046-O without addressing a single missing record?
  4. When will the Council pass surveillance legislation with actual enforcement teeth — because NOPD policy, as we’ve now proven twice, isn’t policy at all?

Read 404 Media’s reporting. Check my numbers. Then make the calls.

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About the author

Matthew Wollenweber (@mwollenweber) is a security engineer with over 20 years experience in cybersecurity and software development. Matthew is passionate about analyzing real-world security problems as inspiration to build tools. His day job is security operations, incident response, and tool development. He is a progressive political organizer in New Orleans, a BJJ brown belt, and bulldog rescuer.

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